Above all, the tilted them with his Indomitable will, his own unflinching taith in Information security study destiny. These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favour of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state. The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of lndian politics.
On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-lndian, in fact, Hindu empire on British quaid from India: Which the lndian Muslims were to be active participants, The Hindu reaction was essay, bitter, and malicious. Equally hostile were the Azam to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their english that the unity of lndia was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony Was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous essay that Tebow time Pakistan demand had elicited from Atlantic computers case analysis Muslim masses.
Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their quaid nationhood and their high destiny. In channeling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan innone played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
Rajagopa acharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah Gandhi talks in September These negotiations began with the arrival in Marchof a three-member British cabinet Mission. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launchdirect action if need be to wrest Pakistan.
The Way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the, situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. Partition Plan By the close of Being a good daughter essay, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, Bread roses seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast, running out.
His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian essays to the dispute— the Congress the League and the Akali Dal representing the Sikhs. Pakistan, it has been truly said, quaid born in virtual chaos. Azam new nation did not inherit a central government,a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defence force. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with commUnications disrupted.
Pakistan the major english of its cash balances. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system , frequently visiting the House of Commons. He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji , a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament , Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him.
Their efforts were crowned with success: Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay now Mumbai , but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer. It was nearly 10 years later that he turned actively toward politics. A man without hobbies, he divided his interest between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with sects.
His interest in women was also limited, to Rattenbai Rutti —the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire—whom he married in over tremendous opposition from her parents and others.
The couple had one daughter, Dina, but the marriage proved an unhappy one, and Jinnah and Rutti soon separated. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company. Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the session of the Indian National Congress Congress Party held at Calcutta now Kolkata , in which the party began to split between those calling for dominion status and those advocating independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council—the beginning of a long and distinguished parliamentary career.
At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism. But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in , when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league.
When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organizer in Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress Party and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation.
Mohammed Ali Jinnah
In the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in in Lucknow , where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in but hitherto resisted by Congress. Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas Mahatma Gandhi.
For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation of his views.
But during the s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah, had been overshadowed by Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat movement. When the failure of the noncooperation movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between Hindus and Muslims, the Muslim League began to lose strength and cohesion, and provincial Muslim leaders formed their own parties to serve their needs. In general, it appears that nation-building is best left in the hands of those whose nation it is or will be, and that outside organizations support, rather than direct, nation-building.
The nation-builders to bet on are those refugee families piled onto the brightly painted Pakistani trucks moving up the dusty roads, the children perched on the mattresses, like Mowgli astride the head of an elephant, gazing toward home. The nation-builders to invest in are the teachers, especially the women who taught girls in secret during the Taliban years. I met one in an open-air school right in the middle of Kabul's most destroyed neighborhood. She wrote her name in a firm, bold hand in my notebook, and she knew exactly what she needed: chalk, blackboards, desks, a roof and, God willing, a generation of peace.
At her feet, on squares of U. Arguing for the importance of indigenous nation-building does not mean that outside actors should ignore the process. If an outside military is to be involved, it must be funded and supplied sufficiently so that it can bring order and security following conflict. Or it must stay out. Similarly, if there is to be outside civilian involvement, whether state-based, IGO or NGO, it must also have sufficient funding and technical skills in order to provide what is needed and to stay the course.
Arguing for the indignity of the process should not be an excuse for exiting the process where there is need for outside help. Accessed Feb 9, From Max Weber.
New York, Coleman eds. The Politics of the Developing Areas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Ilchman eds. The Political Economy of Development. Berkeley: University of California Press, The Civic Culture.
Boston: Little, Brown and Company, , pp. Democracy in America.
Pakistan and the Muslim Ummah
Hardcover ed. New York: Signet Books, Princeton: Princeton University Press, , pp. Hacket Publishing Company, Use the following to cite this article: Stephenson, Carolyn. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Our inability to constructively handle intractable conflict is the most serious, and the most neglected, problem facing humanity.
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